克林顿的观点是什么,请具体阐述其原因

1. 克林顿的观点是什么,请具体阐述其原因

与我们打了多年交道的希拉里•克林顿即将离开美国国务卿的岗位。她在国务卿任上飞行近百万英里，访问上百个国家，创下多项美国外交的“第一”，对得起“史上最勤奋国务卿”这个妙号。她超越个人抱负，认真履行奥巴马政府对美国全球战略进行的调整，积极倡导“巧实力外交”，并试图在互联网自由、发展援助、人权外交领域树起自己的旗帜，可以说忠实代表了美国的利益。
同美国一样，克林顿国务卿既是中国的朋友，也是中国的对手，而且是个颇不好对付的对手。回顾过去四年发生在中美之间的事，她的烙印是实实在在的，需要用两分法来评判。
克林顿国务卿给予中国和中美关系足够关注。她上任后的首次外访到了亚洲，在中国停留时间最长。过去四年七次来华，作为美方特别代表之一对“中美战略与经济对话”这个由两国元首发起的重要机制投入了超乎寻常的精力。如果把过去四年她与中国同行会面、通话、换函的次数和时长做个统计，毫无意外又将破纪录。
“中美战略与经济对话”机制的丰富成果和机制本身的发展经验已成为中美关系的历史性财富。
克林顿国务卿是中美新型大国关系理念的美方奠基人之一。她和她的中国同事王岐山副总理、戴秉国国务委员、杨洁篪外长一起，将中美关系的定位从“积极、合作、全面的关系”推升至“相互尊重、互利共赢的合作伙伴”，直至两国元首确认“共建新型大国关系”的方向。中美两国国内都有人把官方的这种努力视作“磨嘴皮”，呼吁中国人不要被美国人“忽悠”了、美国人不要被中国人“麻痹”了――这样的理解实在偏狭。
谁都不应否认中美关系已成为我们这个时代最举足轻重的双边关系，其健康稳定发展是时代的要求，两国高层在此方面的战略共识与双方的具体实践一样重要。
克林顿国务卿为促进中美交流做的实事当在我们的记忆册中占有一席之地。她发挥自己筹资募款的政治专长，促成美国参加２０１０年上海世博会，被媒体称作“美国馆之母”。上海世博会开幕之际，她在所发表的祝贺文章里表示，“美国与中国的关系对于我们两国和全世界的未来都有重大意义”，“全球性问题无法仅靠美国或者中国来解决，但没有美国和中国的共同参与，有关问题也不可能得到解决。”
但克林顿国务卿推进美国亚太战略调整和输出美式价值观的高调言行也在中美关系躯体上留下一时难以平复的疤痕。她公然介入中国与部分东盟国家在南海、湄公河上游水资源开发问题上的争议，提醒中国的邻居不要同中国走得太近，指责中国在中东采取“阻挡历史”的“蠢行”(Fool's Errant)，还几次发表尖酸刻薄的言论影射中国向亚非国家提供援助的政策。她的这种做法被中国人视为“挖墙脚”，突出了中美在战略、安全领域的分歧和矛盾，不仅在中国国内“培养”出更多反美情绪，也让美国的小伙伴们颇为两难，令美国国内支持建设性发展对华关系的人们感到难以苟同，不能不说是美国全球战略调整和“多伙伴外交”的败笔。
克林顿国务卿及其助手开展的亚太外交在美国国内尤其毁誉参半，在中国国内亦遭口诛笔伐。她将21世纪单方面宣告为“美国的太平洋世纪”，把美国的“全球再平衡”解读为“转向亚洲”(Pivot to Asia)，被一些美国媒体和智库评论为“用错误的名称为美国制造战略损失的典型案例”。 2012年9月希拉里•克林顿作为国务卿最后一次访华期间，有中国报纸在社评中将她册封为“深度强化中美互疑的人”。她的那次访问在中国政府的温情接待和部分媒体的冷嘲热讽中结束，这种矛盾性又何尝不是她处理中美关系方式和中美关系现实的写照？
中美关系总是在曲折中向前发展的，这是过去４０多年的基本脉络，也将是未来的基本脉络。不过，我们真诚认为中美双方不必时时把对方打扮成妖魔，不应用情绪来支配处理彼此关系的思路。希望两国之间指名道姓或者含沙身影的攻击越少越好，那些也许注定发生的曲折越稀疏、越平缓越好。
即将接替希拉里•克林顿出任美国国务卿的人选现已明了。有人说约翰•克里先生的温和、灵活、务实风格或将成为今后四年中美关系的机遇。这种话听听罢了。中美关系的前途从来都不是寄托在哪个或哪群人身上的，而是由两国共同利益之多寡和双方维护世界和平与繁荣的共同意愿之大小决定的。
历史已经发展到新的关头，未来几年对中国、美国和中美关系来说都很关键。当中国不断发展进步，美国能否以平和、理性、包容的心态看待中国，坚持在坦诚深入的对话和平等互利的合作中与中方共塑中美关系的新型未来，将是一个国家的战略抉择，而不是某位总统或国务卿的风格选择。
克里先生将不得不花费比前任更多的时间和精力处理美国的对华关系。希望他上任前能先沉一沉，充分了解过去四年中美对话合作的有益经验、双方建设新型大国关系共识的重要意义和内涵。他也需要认识到，中美在亚太地区的利益协调是今后中美关系能否顺利、平稳发展的关键，一个好的中美关系和两国在亚太事务中的合作是美国新亚太战略走向成功的关键。
至于希拉里•克林顿女士，我们听到了她对媒体所作的

2. 克林顿经历过的挫折

威廉·杰斐逊·克林顿 (William Jefferson Clinton)１９４６年８月１９日生于美国阿肯色州霍普镇。１９６２年, 他作为阿肯色州学生代表，到首都华盛顿出席全国青少年团体代表大会，１９６４年高中毕业后考入乔治敦大学，主修外交专业，曾担任大学学生会主席并协助联邦参议员威廉·富布赖特工作。１９６８年，克林顿大学毕业，获国际政治学学士学位，并考取罗兹奖学金赴英国牛津大学学习。１９７０年，他考入美国耶鲁大学法学院，１９７３年毕业，获法学博士学位，同年到阿肯色州州立大学担任教授。     １９７６年，克林顿出任阿肯色州司法部长，１９７８年至１９８０年任阿肯色州州长，１９８２年至１９９２年又连续５次担任州长。克林顿任州长期间，在推动州教育改革和实施经济发展计划方面取得成就，被选为美国南部经济发展政策委员会主席，兼任全美州长联席会议主席，并曾协助总统主持国家最高教育当局的工作。１９９０年，克林顿被选为民主党最高委员会主席。１９９２年１１月３日，克林顿当选美国总统，１９９６年１１月再次当选。２０００年１月卸任。２００５年４月出任联合国海啸救灾特使。２００９年５月１９日，联合国秘书长潘基文任命克林顿为联合国海地事务特使。同年６月正式就职。作为特使，克林顿的年薪是象征性的一美元。克林顿兴趣广泛，尤其爱好音乐，擅长演奏萨克斯管，曾担任阿肯色州管乐队首席萨克斯管演奏员。     １９９８年６月２５日至７月３日，克林顿对中国进行国事访问。６月２９日，他在北京大学发表演讲，并向北大图书馆捐赠了５００多册英文书籍。２００３年１０月应中国人民外交学会邀请访华，并在清华大学就艾滋病等问题发表演讲。２００５年９月，克林顿访问郑州发表演讲，希望中国越来越强大。     ２００９年５月６日，克林顿被授予“杜鲁门公共服务奖”，以表彰他在任总统前、任总统期间和卸任后所做的公共服务。     夫人：希拉里·克林顿是美国知名律师，后当选美国国务卿。２００５年１０月，希拉里入选全美妇女名人堂。同年１２月，希拉里在美国盖洛普民意调查中被评为年度最受尊敬世界名人。

3. 克林顿到底说了什么?

　　美国总统克林顿就职演讲
　　January 20, 1993

　　My fellow citizens :

　　Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.

　　This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring. A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.

　　When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change. Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals; life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.

　　On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America. And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.

　　Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.

　　Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.

　　When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.

　　Communications and commerce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is now universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.

　　Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.

　　This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom; and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.

　　We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.

　　Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people. We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.

　　From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.

　　Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time. Let us embrace it.

　　Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.

　　And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift; a new season of American renewal has begun. To renew America, we must be bold. We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity. It will not be easy; it will require sacrifice. But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake. We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.

　　Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come; the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility. We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.

　　It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country. To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.

　　This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation. Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.

　　Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better. And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people. Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America. Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called "bold, persistent experimentation," a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays. Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.

　　To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home. There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic; the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race; they affect us all.

　　Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable. Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers. Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.

　　While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world. Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.

　　When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act; with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary. The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.

　　But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America's cause.

　　The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus. You have cast your votes in historic numbers. And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself. Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring. Now, we must do the work the season demands.

　　To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office. I ask the Congress to join with me. But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone. My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal. I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service; to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities. There is so much to be done; enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.

　　In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other. And we must care for one another. Today, we do more than celebrate America; we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.

　　An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge. An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other. An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity. An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.

　　And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done. The scripture says, "And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not."

　　From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.

　　Thank you, and God bless you all.